OPINION: Bihar Caste Census And Its Social And Political Derivates

Caste is a reality in our society and there is definitely some degree of uniformity on various social and economic parameters among the people belonging to one specific caste. Therefore, conducting a census to find out the economic and social condition of the people on the lines of caste is a practical approach. Such census data would equip the government better understand the condition at the ground and accordingly plan for improving the lives of the people and for the overall growth of the state or the country.

The recently completed caste census in Bihar should be looked at with this background. But as it is the first and the only such census in independent India whose data is being made public, it is set to generate scrutiny and discussions at all levels and is also bound to have political implications in the OBC-centered politics of the state.

For the opposition parties in national politics who after two consecutive devastations are trying hard to build a nationwide narrative to stop the BJP for the third time, the Bihar caste census has come so timely. The RJD-JDU leadership in Bihar were quick to portray the census data as 15% vs. 85%. Rahul Gandhi was equally quick to follow and demand for a nationwide caste census.

The ruling side chieftains in Bihar - Lalu Prasad and Nitish Kumar - have been the champions of the OBC politics and they have also been the main beneficiaries of such politics in the state. For them, the 15% vs. 85% is a proven theory which has helped them be at the center of Bihar politics for more than three decades.

This theory received fresh testimony in the 2015 Bihar state election when the Lalu-Nitish duo was able to convince the backward castes in the state that the BJP would deprive them of the reservation if it got to power and was in the driving seat.

But this time around, this theory doesn't seem to have the same political implications as in the past. The reason would lie in the social-economic derivates of this caste census itself. Those who understand Bihar and have looked at it in the last three decades know that there is a huge socio-economic change in the state, and this will be precisely validated when the complete census data comes out.

The larger beneficiaries of such socio-economic changes are only a few dominant OBC castes, which primarily include the Yadav (caste of Lalu Prasad) and the Kurmi (caste of Nitish Kumar). There is a huge gain in terms of social and economic stature for these castes, and with this change, if they are not better placed than the general castes then at least they are at par with them. Whether it's about economic growth, professional education in government-run institutes or government jobs - any of these OBC castes outnumber any of the general castes. But this is not even remotely true for most of the rest of the backward castes, and they seem to be not willing to be grouped with these dominant castes to just make a sum of 85% for them to continue to dominate and enjoy the power.

In fact, on the ground, there is less conflict between the less developed backward caste groups with the general castes as compared to their differences with the dominant OBC castes. This is a major shift in the OBC politics in Bihar, in fact, it's not just in Bihar, this is the reflection of the shift in OBC politics in other states and at large in the national politics as well.

(Rahul Vatsa, a rising political commentator, frequently contributes thought-provoking articles on various socio-political affairs that are regularly featured in prominent print and digital publications of the era)

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