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How Does Refugee Crisis Affect Mizoram State Assembly Elections 2023 When They Can't Vote| Details

Mizoram, set to go to the polls on 7th November, is grappling with a significant humanitarian challenge that has unexpectedly emerged as a crucial election issue. The state is hosting a substantial number of internally displaced people, primarily from Myanmar and Manipur. These refugees have no voting rights in India, but their presence and predicament have cast a long shadow over the election campaign.

A Complex Scenario

How Does Refugee Crisis Affect Mizoram State Assembly Elections 2023 When They Cant Vote| Details

The refugee population in Mizoram is not monolithic. Two distinct groups share their own unique stories of hardship and aspirations.

1. The Myanmar Refugees: Around 33,500 refugees from Myanmar sought sanctuary in Mizoram to escape the violence in their homeland following a military coup over the past year. Their lives in Mizoram are far from comfortable. Living in makeshift camps, access to basic amenities such as water, food, and healthcare remains a daily challenge. These refugees are dependent on support from the state government, NGOs, and local communities. Many find work as laborers on nearby farms for modest daily wages.

With the only water source being a river nearby which residents claim is dirty, there is no water or electricity in these camps which are located in Sihhmui, approximately 35 kilometers from Aizwal, Mizoram's capital. Khawthang, 32, who lives at the camp with his wife and two children said, "Most of the men work in neighbouring farms as labourers for ₹500 a day. But work is only available for 2-3 days in the week," as quoted in a report in HT.

2. The Manipur Displaced: In contrast, the refugees from Manipur, numbering over 13,000, and housed 37 kms away from Sihhmui, in Falklands have found relatively better living conditions. Many of them are housed in state government-provided complexes with access to electricity and water. Still, the uncertainty of returning to their homes looms large, as many of these refugees hail from Sugnu in Chandel district of Manipur, where their homes were looted and torched by armed miscreants.

There are 57 families, all Kuki-Zomi, that have been living for several months in the state government facilities to be specific. A pastor John Zo said, "Most of these families that live here in Falklands are from Sugnu in Chandel district of Manipur. We fled our homes on May 28 after our homes were looted and torched by armed miscreants. We got these homes several weeks after arriving in Mizoram," quoted the HT report.

Ethnic Ties and Political Stakes

What makes this issue particularly complex is the ethnic and social ties that these refugees share with the local Mizo community. While the residents of Falklands and Sihhmui may not get to vote on 7th November, the Mizo National Front (MNF), the ruling party in Mizoram, has positioned itself as the protector of these displaced people. Chief Minister Zoramthanga's vocal support for the refugees has reinforced the party's image as the champion of Mizo ethno-nationalism.

Zoramthanga defied directives from the Indian government, first by refusing to push back Myanmar refugees following a Union government directive in September 2022 and then by rejecting another directive from last month, to collect biometric data of Myanmarese nationals residing in the state. He argued that collecting such data would be discriminatory against people the Mizos consider as blood relatives.

The CM was quoted saying, "Collection of biometric and biographic data of Myanmar refugees would amount to discrimination against people who are our blood and kindred brothers and sisters," in September 2023.

In a recent BBC interview, Zoramthanga expressed strong reservations about sharing the stage with Prime Minister Narendra Modi if he were to campaign in Mizoram. His discontent stems from the ongoing violence in Manipur, a neighboring state governed by the BJP. This statement came as a surprise, considering that the Mizo National Front (MNF) is a constituent of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) at the national level and the BJP-led North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA) in the northeastern region.

Zoramthanga emphasized, "To express sympathy for the BJP at this juncture would be a significant disadvantage for my party." It's worth noting that the BJP is not part of the ruling coalition in Mizoram, and there is no formal electoral alliance on the horizon as the polls approach.

A Tangle of Alliances and Contradictions

However, the MNF's close association with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) at the central level has fueled the political debate. The opposition Zoram People's Movement (ZPM) and the Congress have taken a more sympathetic stance, emphasizing the shared ethnicity and offering support for the refugees.

Zoram Peoples Movement (ZPM) president Lalduhoma said, "The governments in Manipur and the Centre are led by the BJP, and people in Mizoram are unhappy with the way the crisis in that state has been handled. There's disappointment about the long silence of the PM on this. Since the MNF is also part of the NDA, it will have an adverse effect on them. People who have taken shelter in Mizoram are our brothers and sisters and we stand with them," as quoted by HT.

The crisis in Manipur, under the governance of the BJP, has been a point of contention and disappointment for the people of Mizoram.

Deep Ethnic Bonds Influence Elections

The ethnic bonds between various groups across state and national borders will play a pivotal role in the upcoming elections. In Mizoram, the connection between the Chins of Myanmar and the Mizos is centuries-old, making it challenging for political boundaries to sever these ties.

"The rest of India needs to understand that Chins of Myanmar may be citizens of another country, but Mizos think of them as their own kinsmen. The political boundaries between nations cannot break the ethnic ties that have lasted centuries or more. Though all parties and groups in Mizoram support giving shelter to refugees and displaced, both from Myanmar and Manipur, their efforts could result in a benefit for the MNF" said, J Doungel, professor of political science at the Mizoram University.

Another expert, TT Haokip, a professor of political science at the North Eastern Hill University in Shillong said, "Since the BJP is in power in Manipur and there's resentment in Mizoram on the crisis in that state, the party may not be able to garner much support in this election"

A Complex Conundrum for the People

Amidst these complex political and humanitarian dynamics, the local population in Mizoram holds varying opinions. Some emphasize the need to provide temporary shelter to the refugees while highlighting concerns about their integration and potential criminal activities. Others insist that the refugees should return to their home countries once the situation improves.

Lalthangliana, a businessman from the Aizwal city warned as such saying, "It is okay for the government to give temporary shelter to refugees from Myanmar. However, hey should be sent back as soon as situation in the neighbouring country improves. There have been instances of Myanmar refugees indulging in crimes and the government should ensure they are kept under strict surveillance," as quoted by the HT report.

A tour operator in Aizwal, A Chhunthang voicing support for refugees said, "They have had a harrowing time that forced them to flee. The issue will affect the BJP and might even hurt the MNF since its part of NDA at Centre".

The refugee crisis in Mizoram is a stark reminder of the intricate interplay between electoral politics and humanitarian concerns in a region where ethnic ties run deep. As the state heads to the polls with results to be declared on 3rd December, this complex issue continues to shape the local political landscape and public discourse.

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