Here's How NDA Wrested Power In Maharashtra Despite Lok Sabha Debacle

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led Mahayuti alliance secured a commanding victory in Maharashtra, winning 235 of the 288 assembly constituencies. The BJP itself claimed 132 of the 149 seats it contested, achieving a strike rate of 88.5%.

Its allies, the Shiv Sena and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), won 57 and 41 seats out of the 81 and 59 they contested, respectively.

Photo Credit: PTI

The scale of the victory surprised many, especially considering the alliance's underwhelming performance in the summer's Lok Sabha elections, where the Mahayuti won only 17 of Maharashtra's 48 seats, with the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) capturing 30.

Several factors made the results unexpected. The Mahayuti faced accusations of poor governance and mismanagement as the incumbent government, reported the Hindustan Times.

It had also come to power following BJP-engineered splits within the Shiv Sena and later the NCP, which some experts believed alienated voters.

Nonetheless, the Mahayuti surpassed expectations by running a more effective campaign than the MVA, not only in terms of issues but also in managing the alliance's dynamics.

Campaign Strategy and Welfare Schemes
Party leaders attributed the victory to a mix of welfare schemes, including the *Ladki Bahin* programme launched in August, which provides ₹1,500 to eligible women, and the BJP's emphasis on its Hindutva agenda, consolidating the Hindu vote across various demographics. An efficient, region-specific campaign addressing local concerns also played a crucial role, as did the reinvigorated efforts of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the BJP's ideological parent, which had been less involved during the Lok Sabha elections.

Preparation for the Maharashtra polls began shortly after the Lok Sabha setback. A senior BJP functionary, speaking anonymously, said, "The main reasons for the poor showing were apathetic and demotivated cadre, internal rifts, and the challenges that come from leading a coalition. Yet another crucial reason was the disconnect between the Sangh (RSS) and the party."

By June 17, the BJP had appointed Union ministers Bhupender Yadav and Ashwani Vaishnaw as state in-charges to oversee the campaign. Union Home Minister and BJP strategist Amit Shah held closed-door meetings with state leaders, reportedly insisting in a July 21 meeting that the contest would be framed as Mahayuti versus MVA. "There was a whisper campaign that the party would fare badly by aligning with Ajit Dada (Ajit Pawar's NCP), and there was a group that felt Uddhav Thackeray (of the Shiv Sena-UBT) would walk away with the sympathy vote... That is when Shah, in a terse message, said the narrative would be set by the BJP," the functionary added.

Reconnecting with Workers and Communities
To counter voter apathy and energise its cadre, the BJP revamped its booth management programme, focusing on smaller caste groups, particularly Scheduled Castes and Other Backward Classes, with targeted meetings of 200-250 people. Additionally, the party concentrated on booths where it had lost narrowly, aiming to boost its vote share by 15%.

"We studied the caste, party affiliation, and issues in each of the constituencies to draw up a campaign that would resonate the most," explained a second functionary.

Role of the RSS
The BJP and RSS mended ties ahead of the assembly elections, enabling a dual focus on development and ideology. Massive infrastructure projects like the Atal Setu were highlighted alongside policies for women and farmers. Simultaneously, the campaign leaned heavily on the Hindutva narrative, countering the opposition's call for a caste census. An RSS functionary said, "Why call it polarisation? It is consolidation of the Hindus who were divided on the basis of caste."

The RSS mobilised its network for door-to-door campaigns, small meetings, and voter awareness drives.

"Swayamsevaks undertook 'Janajagran' (door-to-door outreach) and addressed small meetings...to counter the 'false narrative' of the opposition," said another RSS member.

This effort contributed to higher voter turnout, which rose to 66.05% from the 2019 assembly elections and Lok Sabha polls. Notably, turnout among women voters reached 65.22%, reflecting the success of the Ladki Bahin scheme.

Targeting the Opposition
The BJP targeted opposition leaders directly, accusing Uddhav Thackeray of betraying the Hindutva legacy of his father, Bal Thackeray, and portraying Sharad Pawar's NCP as a dynastic party. The BJP also used advertisements to critique the Congress's governance in states like Himachal Pradesh and Karnataka.

"Thackeray's alliance with the Congress, his decision to become CM, and his appeasement of Muslims...became a rallying point against him," a third BJP leader noted.

The Mahayuti avoided internal discord by projecting Eknath Shinde, Ajit Pawar, and Devendra Fadnavis as the coalition's "three pillars," sidestepping the issue of a chief ministerial candidate.

Social Media and Regional Outreach
The Mahayuti's social media strategy showcased unity among coalition partners while addressing 30 key issues, including eight region-specific ones. By balancing development-focused messaging with direct welfare benefits, the BJP effectively consolidated its base and capitalised on goodwill among women voters, who proved to be pivotal in the election's outcome.

As a party functionary summarised, "In the end, the BJP was able to balance the politics of indirect benefit (development and infrastructure) and direct benefit (doles and sops) and capitalise on the goodwill of women, who are a game changer."