Bihar: The Mandate, the Aspirations and the Responsibility

Now that a new government under Nitish Kumar has been sworn-in, an in-depth analysis of the NDA's decisive victory is possible. Three factors contributed to the NDA's spectacular performance in Bihar: a better coalition, the beneficiary class, and the fear of return of the Jungle Raj.

And, above all, this was a vote by an aspirational Bihar for a better future putting a far greater responsibility on the NDA to deliver. The coming five years would decide whether Nitish and the NDA would live up to the mandate or lose this golden opportunity to turn the tables for the betterment of the state.

An average Bihari has witnessed the landscape of the state changing due to expansion of road network, new bridges and the promises of airports, better connectivity and metros. The State must catch up with other States in terms of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's development models where each district coinciding with Lok Sabha constituency boundaries must have a super specialty hospital. This is time for Bihar to get maximum benefits from double engine government- the same coalition at power both at the Centre and the State.

The expansion of road-connectivity, broadband internet and other parameters must get complemented by local efforts to set up local resource-based industries. There is too much stress on employment based on agriculture. It is time to take revolutionary steps to massively expand agriculture-based industries and resulting employment.

Job for an average Bihari means employment in the government and social security. Where the government jobs are hard to come by, privatization must be encouraged and respected. This calls for a change of mindset.

The situation calls for massive growth of argi-industries. This calls for change in bureaucratic and political culture and faster clearances of licenses and facilitation of growth centres without bribing the system. People from outside would come only if the State promises better law and order and economic incentives. One needs to recollect the slogan of Modi when he was the chief minister of Gujarat. He had given a call: "sow a Rupee and Reap a Dollar". Nitish has just to pick up from that model which he so assiduously had studied and catch the imagination of the Bihari Diaspora who would be keen to invest.

The aspirational class has definitely voted for these changes and the NDA was the only right bait for them. Failure to deliver would lead to disillusionment and chaos. Which way it will go none can predict.

Definitely, the NDA stitched together a better alliance network that reflected the mosaic of Bihar's social configuration. The fact that the Lok Janshakti Party was a part of the alliance unlike the earlier assembly elections in 2020 contributed significantly to the victory. In the last elections, the Janata Dal United led by Nitish Kumar lost a significant 32 seats or more because the LJP cut into its votes. The LJP did not field candidates against BJP candidates but fielded candidates against JDU candidates. In at least 32 seats, the votes polled by the LJP was more than the victory margin of winning candidates against the candidates of the JDU. The JDU that had won from 71 seats in 2015 won from only 43 seats. The BJP won from 74.

So, winning a majority was never a problem with the NDA since the three- the BJP, the JDU and the LJP- had come together on one platform. With smaller parties such as the Hindustan Awami Morcha (HAM) and the Rashtriya Lok Morcha (RLM) joining the NDA alliance, the grouping had become a mosaic of the State's social fabric.

Even the most optimistic within the BJP projected the likely winning figure at 160 plus or a two-thirds majority. The amazing victory from 202 assembly seats reflected an undercurrent that was guided by hopes and fear. Modi's welfare schemes and zero corruption in the disbursement through JAM (Jan Dhan Yojana Bank Account, Aadhar for identification and Mobile for informing beneficiaries) have created a loyal beneficiary class irrespective of the caste and religious divides. They have developed stakes in continuation of the NDA governments. This explains why a large turnout of women voters: payment for most welfare schemes is made in the account of women.

Releasing Rs 10,000 as first installment of a scheme already announced by the State Government may have created an additional sense of security. This would go a long way in creating women entrepreneurs which is the focus of the NDA as seen in empowerment of women in Self Help Group and Drone didis.

Rs 10,000 was the initial financial assistance for women under the state government's Mukhyamantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana (Chief Minister Women's Employment Scheme). Those who use this money to successfully run their business for sux months would be entitled to support up to Rupees two lakhs. This should not be seen as bribing the electorate which many opposition parties have alleged but a part of the ongoing programme to empower women from Self Help Groups.

The vote for the NDA was an emotional response to the situation in Bihar. This may be described as the electorate's last hope to usher Bihar on the development roadmap. This was also guided by the fear of return to the Jungle Raj unleashed by Lalu Prasad Yadav where law and order in the state had almost collapsed and kidnapping had become an industry with blessings of the political masters. This marked domination of goondas in society and led to many leaving the States out of fear.

The generation that has witnessed those bad days were fearful that Bihar might slip into the earlier times if the NDA was not voted to power. Tejashwi Yadav of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) got a golden opportunity to showcase a different image when he became the Deputy Chief Minister of Bihar twice (2015-2017 and 2022-2024) under Nitish Kumar. But he did not take any step to demonstrate that he was not like his maligned father, Lalu Prasad Yadav.

Tejashwi was merely 26 but he failed to capture the imagination of the youths of Bihar. He could not jettison his legacy of corruption and rashness that had become a part of his character. When Nitish Kumar had walked out of the RJD-JDU alliance, he had cited corruption of the family as a major reason for the shift.

His second tenure as deputy chief minister under same Nitish Kumar was not very inspiring except that he tried to build a narrative around unemployment. However, his ways to ignore the chief minister on various occasions and to project himself as the person for deliverance led to collapse of the alliance. Also, Nitish felt slighted that he was not being seen as a serious contender for power at the Centre and attacked dynasty politics of which Tejashwi was the symbol.

The two tenures when Tejashwi was the deputy chief minister also saw the return of political aggressiveness from certain members of the community he belonged to. This was taken by many as a re-run of the jungle raj. Voters in 2025 dreaded a majority for the RJD or its alliance since it could mark a return of the Jungle Raj.

(Sudesh is former spokesperson of the BJP and lawyer practicing in various courts of Delhi particularly in Delhi High Court and the Supreme Court)