AAP proves why Indian politics can’t be corruption-free

The rise and fall of the AAP was India's disappointing tryst with anti-corruption movement.

Aap (you), in Hindi, is normally used to address elders, seniors and someone we hold in high regard. But in the past few years, 'Aap' suddenly turned political after the inception of an outfit -- the Aam Aadmi Party, or AAP that came to power in the national capital.

Its founder members had given India a renewed confidence that 'politics' after all is not all that dirty and it could be practiced on a clean slate. Moreover, the activists-turned-politicians of the AAP showed Indians the dream that politics is meant for aam aadmi (regular people or commoners) and is not the domain of the rich and the powerful who rule us from faraway Lutyens' Delhi.

The genesis of the AAP lies in the India Against Corruption movement in 2011. It was a pan-India movement led by a retired septuagenarian army jawan Anna Hazare and his comrades, prominent among them was Arvind Kejriwal.

The anti-corruption crusade came at a time when the second tenure of the then United Progressive Alliance under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh got mired in allegations of massive scams involving party members and others from the 'ruling class' in the country.

It was a perfect antidote for a fatigued nation looking for an escape route to save the nation from the malice of never-ending scams, which is so perverse in nature that politicians don't even leave fodders for cattle and coffins for jawans untouched by the dark and repulsive hands of corruption.

These are just a few examples of corruption-related scandals that rocked the nation. In India, politicians can smell money in anything and everything. That is why perhaps a nation having a proud tradition of hardworking people like farmers and labourers--who no matter how much they work were always doomed to die in poverty and deprivation.

During the peak of the IAC movement in 2011, when Hazare and his colleagues sat in hunger strike demanding stronger rules like the Jan Lokpal bill to punish the corrupt class, many young Indians joined them without asking a single question. Though there were sceptics at that time too who rejected Hazare and Kejriwal's fasting as gimmicks.

But even those who enjoyed the perks and benefits of corporate life such as the techies of Bengaluru, for instance, joined the movement in large numbers. All those who became part of the movement thought that it was their moral responsibility to be part of something 'good' that the nation was waiting to happen for a long time since it achieved independence in 1947.

Even those who left India for greener pastures in the US and other European cities, whom we proudly call Non-Resident Indians, financially and politically supported the cause of a corruption-free India, an idea which till date is utopian not only for India but across the globe.

The fissure within the movement soon started showing and Hazare and his favourite junior Kejriwal parted ways as the latter formed his political outfit, the AAP, to take on the might of the political elite class.

Kejriwal successfully came out of Hazare's shadow as by that time he had developed a saintly aura around him for his power to stay without food and water for a long duration of time. Kejriwal convinced Indians that 'politics' (or electoral politics) is the best means to fight the corrupt netas of the country.

In their debut election in 2013, the AAP managed to win 28 seats in the 70-member Delhi Assembly elections. With outside support from the Congress, the AAP came to power and Kejriwal became the chief minister of the national capital.

The AAP forming government in the national capital, in spite of a hung assembly, was seen as a major victory for a 'people's movement' to bring change to the system.

However, all celebrations were short-lived and the AAP government resigned within 49 days of its coming to power. The voters were left disillusioned as they felt Kejriwal cheated them and gave away the hard-won victory without fighting against the traditional political forces.

It was perhaps Kejriwal and his teammates' hardest times, even harder than winning votes, as they lost people's confidence and support. The young AAP and its team members did not get disheartened and started their journey afresh by approaching people directly.

As AAP members went door-to-door they sincerely apologised to people and frankly told Delhi voters what led them to abdicate power as odds were stacked against them. Such candid dialogue with voters broke the ice and the AAP once again came back to power.

This time the victory was sweeter than before as the AAP got full mandate to govern Delhi with 67 seats in the 70-member assembly. It was AAP all the way. People gave them a second chance with a big mandate to rule the national capital without any hiccups.

But Kejriwal and his colleagues read too much in the victory and thought it was the right time to expand further across the country, even though the results of 2014 Lok Sabha polls for the AAP were disappointing in the wake of Prime Minister Narendra Modi 'tsunami'.

In spite of spending a considerable amount of time in the political field, the AAP and team Kejriwal still look like novices who are always on a 'war' mode. They have continued with their strategy of hurling allegations against their political adversaries--the BJP and the Congress.

In the din of accusations and counter-accusations, the AAP has failed to convey the message of what they would give voters in return. An aam aadmi (a commoner) wants water, electricity, school, hospital and jobs.

The biggest malice that inflicted the AAP during this time was its obsession with PM Modi. While PM Modi got busy with foreign tours and economic reforms, including the controversial demonetisation, the AAP continued harping on PM Modi and, yes, PM Modi.

It looked like the AAP's only agenda was PM Modi and nothing else. Kejriwal was so 'smitten' by Modi that he did not think twice before expelling astute political partners like Yogendra Yadav and Prashant Bhushan, who all along worked for the AAP and transparent governance.

Kejriwal was fine with the idea of transparency and fight against corruption till these issues were directed towards his adversaries. However, the moment anyone questioned Kejriwal and his integrity he, very much like the BJP and the Congress, rubbished allegations as political conspiracies.

Now, after a series of allegations levelled against him by Kapil Mishra, Kejriwal's former cabinet colleague, the AAP supremo did not deem it fit to explain his position. He like PM Singh and PM Modi decided to keep mum on most controversial subjects and wait till the threat of the storm recedes.

Kejriwal's lieutenants hosted a series of press meets to deny all allegations of corruption against the AAP boss. However, not for once the man in question, who promised to make India corruption free, and who had in the past called everyone dishonest, looks perturbed to explain things to the public.

Kejriwal's silence is as deafening as the stillness maintained by PM Modi and his predecessor Manmohan Singh, whenever serious charges were levelled against their governments and partymen.

Thus, the AAP members proved they are no different from the BJP and the Congress. Just calling oneself AAP does not make a party or a politician a commoner. It is the attitude and the conduct that separate a politician from a guy next door. An aam aadmi is bound by the laws of the land and politicians have always considered themselves above the law. Do we need any more proof?

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