Rising Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan

Another worrying aspect of the terrorist nexus in Pakistan is the emergence of the Punjabi Taliban, a loose terror network that has spread all over Pakistan. This group is not only in cahoots with the Pakistani Taliban but they also have suspected links with al-Qaeda.

Pakistan was created on August 14, 1947, on the basis of Islam as the main cementing factor and the focal point of the ideology and national identity. During the initial years, religion was not a dominant factor but later, it was misused by the politicians and establishment. In fact, after Gen. Zia-ul-Haq came to power in a coup d'etat in 1977, he exploited the religious card to consolidate his position and weaken the Opposition. This coupled with some unrelated transnational factors in 1978 and 1979, created conditions that led to a sudden rise in Islamic fundamentalism in the country.

Rise & fall of Bhutto

Islam had started getting important politically even before 1977. Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) is constituted of nine religious and political parties. It was formed in 1977 when the alliances agreed to run as a single bloc to overthrow the rule of Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the first elected leader of that country after the martial law of Yahiya Khan. The PNA manifesto was to implement Islamic laws. They were determined to enforce "Nizam-e-Mustafa", the Sharia laws. A number of political parties leaders, like Asghar Khan's Independence Movement (People National Party) adhering to socialism, Nazeer Abbasi's Community Party adhering to communism, Chaudhry Zahoor Elahi's Muslim League adhering to conservatism and Maulana Maududi's Muttahida Mulla Association adhering to hardline Islamism, united by a common dislike of Bhutto's autocratic policies on a single platform.

At this platform, the modern European style-influenced forces allied with the opposite of hardline Islamist forces. The alliance decided to contest the elections under one election symbol "plow" and a green flag with nine stars as its ensign. Contesting the 1977 elections jointly, the PNA launched a campaign against the government after the controversial and appropriate results showing the People's Party as an overwhelming victory in the elections. Bhutto was advised to open negotiations with the PNA leadership but whether or not it would have been signed by all PNA parties or by Bhutto remained open to speculation.

The 9 stars were united to end the democratic regime of Bhutto and his collaborators. The alliance had 9 different ideological parties and consisted of all secularist forces, communist forces, socialist forces, conservative forces, and hardline Islamist forces in a single bloc. However, after General Zia deposed Bhutto and his close colleagues, the alliance was divided into two sections. Under Zia, the secular forces, communist forces and socialist forces were weakened and ruined. Many of the secular, communist and socialist party members were either killed, tortured or missing whose fate is still not known. Whereas religious and ideological leaders sided with Zia.

Bhutto also tried to crush the power of this alliance, with the help of his agencies such as The Federal Security Force (FSF) and Rangers and it was also considered one of the causes of Bhutto's hanging on 4 April 1979. In a coup performed by General Zia, Bhutto was removed from office with a number of his colleagues. Bhutto was thrown in jail with his close companion Dr. Hassan who later witnessed the ill-treatment of General Zia to both men.

Zia's Islamist agenda

The conservatives and Islamist fronts went to General Zia-ul-Haq, Chief of Army Staff, and Admiral Mohammad Sharif, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, and convinced them to remove Bhutto and no other agreement was reached with Bhutto and his colleagues remained stubborn. After the army under Zia overthrew his government, the alliance split between elements that supported the martial law government (conservatives and religious groups) and those who opposed it (socialists, communists and secularists). The socialist, communist and secular fronts were suppressed, destabilised, destroyed and completely disabled by General Zia and the Islamic Front supported by him.

Zia exploited the Islamic factor to the hilt by announcing that Islam alone could provide socio-economic justice in Pakistan. He introduced Islam mainly in the domain of judicial reforms (Shariat courts, introduction of Islamic Penal code, Hudood Ordinances), economic programmes (Zakat, Ushr, abolition of Riba) and a new educational policy (introduction of Urdu as the national language, compulsory Islamic education in schools, liberal grants to Madrassas etc). Islamic orthodoxy was encouraged at the cost of modern education and gradual dosages of Islamisation were also administered to the cadres in the Armed forces.

The Afghan factor

The transnational factors, namely the Marxist coup in Afghanistan (1973) leading to the Soviet military intervention (1979) and the consequent heavy influx of refugees in Pakistan and the Islamic revolution in Iran (1978), also contributed greatly to the rise of Islamic fundamentalism. There was a noticeable resurgence of Islamic identity following the influx of Afghan refugees in the NWFP and Balochistan provinces of Pakistan. Islam was used as the main ideological tool to launch a 'jihad' against the Soviet Army and to get huge funds from several Muslim countries through the 'madrasas'. On the other hand, the Iranian revolution and its export to various countries, including Pakistan, led to the resurgence of Shia fundamentalism.

The jihadi mindset is the greatest asset of political Islamic parties such as the Jamaat-e-Islami, TTP and TLP among others. The Islamic political parties skillfully avoid serving the social sector by keeping all attention on jihad. They shout from the rooftops about the suffering of women and children in Palestine whereas these Islamic parties only talk about the need to wage war. The dominant school of thought opines that these terrorists are indeed, the instrument in the hands of a few intelligence agencies of some regional and global powers, who intend to create a state of anarchy in Pakistan by creating internal scare and lawlessness.

Internally unstable Pakistan would not be able to create hurdles for these anti-Pakistan forces, particularly those having the hegemonic designs. The nuclear arsenals of Pakistan are a constant headache for the rest of the world, especially the US-led West and Israel. Through this internal volatility, Pakistan is being constantly reminded that its nuclear programme can be easily accessed by these terrorists, who can later use them for international terrorism, thus presenting a global threat. This whole exercise would mean that Pakistan would be subsequently compelled to do away with its nuclear arsenals. Or at an appropriate time frame, it would be asked to give its nuclear weapons under the custody of the international community.

Rise & rise of Taliban

For years, the Afghan Taliban were considered an 'asset' in Pakistan's establishment circles. They were trained and funded by the State so that Pakistan would not have an 'enemy' to deal with Western border. A nexus between the local Taliban and their counterparts in Afghanistan has by now become obvious. After the US invasion of Afghanistan and the overthrow of the Taliban, the Northern Alliance came to power. Musharraf adopted a dual policy when it came to handing over militants to the Americans. The Afghan Taliban were protected while members of al-Qaeda were caught and subsequently handed over.

The local Taliban have already disrupted peace in the country with their terrorist attacks both against the security forces and civilians. An unprecedented attack by the Afghan Taliban on a border check post is indicative of the emerging nexus between them and the Pakistani Taliban. They have intervened at the behest of the local Taliban in order to put pressure on the army. Pakistan 'strategic depth' policy has proved disastrous. This attack by the Afghan Taliban on forces leaves room for skepticism whether they would ever prove to be an asset for Pakistan.

Another worrying aspect vis-à-vis the terrorist nexus is the emergence of the Punjabi Taliban, a loose terror network that has spread all over Pakistan. This group is not only in cahoots with the Pakistani Taliban but they also have suspected links with al-Qaeda. It is about time that the so-called assets of the State like the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Jaish-e-Mohammad and Lashkar-e-Taiba are disbanded and crushed. These groups have enjoyed State patronage for years.

US commitment to fighting communism in Afghanistan and the readiness of Pakistan to serve as a pliant tool in its hands brought the two countries closer to each other. The US was also keen to find a country, which could fight its war, after the debacle of its policy of direct engagement in Vietnam. The US provided a huge amount of money and supplies of arms and ammunition, which were routed to the Afghan fighters through the ISI and madrasas. Thus, there was no shortage of money, material, moral and official support to the religious leaders and parties, which led to the strengthening of their positions.

These factors provided a strong fillip to the Islamic fundamentalist parties, which assumed a significant role not only in the Afghan war but also in Pakistan. The period saw a sudden increase in the number of madrasas due to support and liberal doses of funds from the government and other Muslim countries. A number of mercenaries were engaged from Sudan and several Arab countries along with Afghans. The lack of any modern education and sole interpretation of Islam by traditional 'mullahs' in these madrasas produced very rigid, orthodox and highly motivated students, who were ready to die in the name of Islam, fighting against the 'kafirs'.

Mushrooming of terror outfits

Support for the Afghan war, which could be sustained by Pakistan only in the name of Islam, also provided it with much-needed financial aid from the US. The deadly combination of money, weapons and religion provided highly fertile ground for religious parties to flourish. Pakistan also used the Islamic card for forging close links with religious fundamentalists in the Middle-East. Since support to the Mujahideens was covert, the religious parties were given a free hand, which used official patronage and power towards their own political ends. Many of these parties like Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), Jamjat-e-Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Pakistan (JUP), Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), Sipah-e-Mohammad Pakistan (SMP) and their front organisation like Islami Jamaat-e-Tulaba (IJT), cultivated foreign links, mainly financial. While the Sunni parties draw ideological inspiration from Al-Ikhwan Al-Muslimeen and financial help from Saudi Arabia, Libya, Iraq and other countries. The Iranians have been helping the Imamia Students Organisations through their cultural centres. Regular visits by Islamic clerics and students from Arab countries and the links between Karachi-based religious organisations, other pan-Islamic organisations like the Rabita Al-Alam, Al-Islami and organs of the OIC also contributed substantially to the growth of Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan.

Pakistan provided ideological and military training to a number of Arab mercenaries during the Afghan war. Over a period of time, JI and JUI-sponsored training camps mushroomed between Pakistan's tribal areas in NWFP and Balochistan and Afghan territory. These camps produced not only fighters but also instructors for spreading their teachings. With the end of the Afghan war, these trained terrorists/fundamentalist elements stayed back in Pakistan. These trained cadres, trigger-happy to spread terror anywhere in the world, formed the nucleus of a new pan-Islamic/mercenary force, with serious implications for the secular aspirations of the free world.

In the midst of growing political instability and economic crisis, the return of terrorism has aggravated Pakistan's security challenges. There has been a dramatic escalation in terrorist attacks over the past few months, with targeted killings, suicide bombings and attacks on security installations becoming a daily affair in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). Law enforcement agencies have been the main target of the terror group, which seems to be operating with impunity. The provincial administration has virtually collapsed in the face of the terrorist onslaught.

Although religious parties in Pakistan won only a few seats in the National and Provincial Assembly in elections, they enjoy great political clout in the country due to its unstable political conditions and lack of a clear majority to any political party. The official patronage and free hand enjoyed by these terrorist organisations have emboldened them to the extent that even the government cannot afford to take on them.

TTP, the friend-turned-foe

It's not only KP but also Baluchistan that has been hit by the latest wave of terrorism. What is most worrisome is the apparent alliance between the TTP and some Baloch separatist groups. The nexus is seen as responsible for the series of recent terrorist attacks targeting security forces in the western province. Pakistan's security forces had contained the insurgency to some extent, but the latest spike in attacks indicates that secessionist groups are gaining strength once more. There is no law and order in tribal areas of NWFP and Balochistan where tribes are involved in drug trafficking, smuggling and other illegal activities. The recent incidents in Malakand division (NWFP) and Bara Tehsil (Khyber Agency), where tribals armed with sophisticated and heavy weapons clashed with security forces over the implementation of Sharia laws in their areas, is also a fall out of Islamic fundamentalism.

Since Pakistan wants to show to the world that Kashmiris themselves are fighting for their rights in Kashmir against India, it is providing funds, military training and weapons to the terrorists through religious parties like JI & JUI. The analysis indicates that both the government and religious parties in Pakistan are using the name of Islam to achieve their ends, but claim that their political leadership is not religious.

The resurgence of Islamic fundamentalism also provided a serious threat to the freedom of expression as could be seen by the threat to Salman Rushdie and Taslima Nasreen. These trends can only pose a serious threat to a free and democratic social system. The connection of Ramzi Ahmad Yousaf and Philippines-based Abu Sayyaf group with Islamic universities is only the tip of the iceberg. Linkages of these groups across the globe only point toward the dangers lying ahead of the civilised world.

Another trend is the emergence of unorganised Islamic terrorist groups as it is more difficult to identify them. These groups are more dangerous because no party can be blamed for their terrorist activities, which they can carry out without any hindrance. There are reports that some terrorist groups are masterminding the techniques of computer warfare. Under this technique, they will be able to jam the computer networks, acquire highly sensitive data and bring the functioning of vital institutions to a standstill, thereby paralysing their activities. This trend is a serious challenge to the developed world.

The end is not too far

The facts indicate that the use of Islamic fundamentalism to achieve non-religious aims by Pakistan has created the proverbial Frankenstein's monster. The threat posed by fundamentalist terrorists can prove to be more serious than war as their ability to hit any part of the world has already been proven. If these groups also acquire chemical or biological or small nuclear weapons then the future of whole humanity will be imperilled.

The intolerant attitude of Islamic terrorists towards any view different from the teachings of Islam also poses a serious threat to the free-thinking society and can stop the evolution of new ideas. Therefore, the civilised, progressive and free world, which believes in the dignity of human beings and freedom of thought and expression, can avoid this trend only at the cost of its existence.

(R C Ganjoo is a senior journalist and columnist having more than 30 years experience of covering issues concerning national security, particularly Kashmir. He has worked with several prominent media groups and his articles have been published in many national and international publications.)

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article are the personal opinions of the author. The facts and opinions appearing in the article do not reflect the views of OneIndia and OneIndia does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.